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The PR Games - Winter Olympics 2010

Here’s a story you may not have heard.

 

The world’s biggest party is happening right now. Everybody’s invited and they’re having an absolute ball.

 

It’s called the Vancouver 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games and it’s about the most fun you can imagine.

 

The venues are packed with passionate fans from around the world and the Canadians are truly wonderful hosts - not just those directly connected with the Olympics but the helpful, friendly, welcoming citizens of Vancouver who go out of their way to ensure everybody shares the best possible experience of the Games and their host city.

 

This is not because they have to, but because they want to.

 

From the public squares and viewing areas to the city’s restaurants and bars, Vancouver is pumping. It has become a truly vibrant Olympic city.  The atmosphere is simply wonderful: better perhaps than even Sydney and/or, Athens and, believe me, that is really saying something.

 

Such is the positive buzz, and the desire to get involved in any and every Olympic activity, that the German Fan Fest  has been attracting 5,000 visitors each day while  the Sochi World destination, set  up by the Russian city of Sochi which will host the 2018 winter Games has been welcoming 7,000 guests each day.

 

The athletes too are happy with the facilities and hospitality, and are delivering world class performances which are enthralling huge global audiences.

 

In short, there is a smile on the face of Vancouver and these Games.

 

Now I’m really sorry if this confuses those of you who may have read that these Games were either the worst ever or a how NOT to do it manual for London 2012.

 

In fact, if you’re a reader of  upscale British newspapers including the Times, Guardian and Telegraph, you might well have the impression that  Vancouver is under a massive black cloud and its citizens are trudging despairingly through ever expanding pools of  slush as they contemplate what happened to their  Olympic dream and worry about paying the bill.

 

This is the picture painted by the UK media but, so far as I can see, and based on  my experience of  these and two  other Olympic Games, it’s a long way from being an entire or accurate picture.

 

If you are a PR professional, this automatically begs the questions: How has the picture become so distorted?  Why are the messages so negative?

 

Of course, it is the case that these Games began under the shadow of the tragic death of a Georgian athlete, an event which raised questions about the design of one of the world class facilities here.  These were addressed and dealt with at the time by making alterations to the length of the luge track.

 

And yes, there have been technical and organisational mishaps along the line. But this is a truly, mind-blowingly massive event and, believe me, these sort of tech and spec glitches have occurred at more or less every major international  sports event I have ever been to.

 

Yet still the negativity persists

 

It appears to me that an important perspective is missing from the coverage: a focus on the people that really matter during any Olympic Games - the athletes and the fans. This is their Games and their celebration of sport, and much more.

 

These happy - sometimes ecstatic - athletes and fans are the most effective ambassadors for the Vancouver winter Games. Their joy and excitement speaks volumes and makes them the most eloquent spokespeople for the Games, the city and the Olympic Movement.

 

It’s time to let their voices be heard. 
  

The eyes of the world are on Vancouver this fortnight as the world’s most accomplished and experienced performers go into action after months of painstaking practice.

 

I am not talking however about the world’s greatest Olympic athletes, who are going for gold, but the legions of communications specialists battling for the attention of the world’s media during the early stages of the main event.

 

Behind the scenes, a lot is always going on. Here, in Vancouver, the place is awash with organisations trying to make their voices heard above the clamour; everybody it seems, has a message to sell.

 

We are in the middle of the ‘Communications’ Olympics and some of the best brains on ‘Planet PR’ are in action. From the global agencies to the boutique Olympic PR specialists, their gold medal ambition is to fill the news void  which exists before the sports action gets under way and the assembled legions of journalists turn to the action on the slopes of Whistler and Cypress Mountain and the gleaming ice sport venues in Vancouver.

 

The ‘Communications’ Olympics are not confined to the impressive main media centre. Wherever there is an official Olympic event or gathering you will find PR people of all nationalities briefing and blogging away.

 

And everyone has a different message to deliver to an audience ranging from 107 IOC members to the TV audiences around the world.

 

VANOC, the local Organising Committee, is in gold medal position for its masterful displays in reassuring the world’s media that its contingency plans for lack of snow in the Cypress Mountain resort will still result in world class competition.

 

The International Olympic Committee is also in a medal position for pre-Games PR. They have regularly been facing the world’s media, skilfully addressing issues ranging from doping concerns to the rise of global warming which could potentially affect future winter Games.

 

The sensitive way the IOC handled the tragic death of Georgian Luger, Nodar Kumaritashvili, has been widely praised by the media here.  However the repercussions of that tragedy will be felt in the Olympic Movement for some time to come.

 

The PR machines behind Munich, Pyeongchang and Annecy, the cities bidding to stage the 2018 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games are also performing well, selling their own visions of the Games and how they will benefit the Olympic Movement.

 

There are over 50 National Olympic Committees with PR teams competing for a share of voice. Then of course there are future host cities - London, Sochi and Rio - the tourism boards of Canada and British Columbia and not forgetting the global brands which are part of the Olympic Tier 1 sponsor programme and the Games specific sponsors of Vancouver 2010.

 

Every one of these groups is busy: holding media receptions, conferences and briefings, offering big name athlete ambassadors for interview, and drawing on every conceivable bit of technology to make their voices heard and their messages understood.

 

Each has developed a finely tuned Games-time campaign, and when the Closing Ceremony has ended and the Olympic flag has been passed to the Russian city of Sochi, it will be fascinating to analyse the results.

 

Vancouver 2010 is a showcase for all that is best in Olympic sport and will produce a new generation of superstars and a new crop of world records.

 

The Olympic Games are the ultimate focus for the athletes but they also serve as a testing ground for the PR sector. It will be fascinating to see which organisations succeed in such a highly competitive environment, and the post-Games communications analysis is sure to offer some useful lessons about the industry as a whole.

 

One thing in Vancouver is for sure; despite the huge rise in PR folk using Twitter, Facebook, Flickr and You Tube, there is still a healthy respect for printed press releases and good old fashioned press packs.  Reports of their demise have been greatly exaggerated!

 

All this activity proves one thing: the Olympic Movement is alive and well.  The Olympic Games not only provide a unique opportunity for positive economic, environmental, historical, and social change; they also provide a fascinating insight to the global PR industry. 
 
Today the snow fall was heavy at times in Davos, but that's not what the corporate leaders and heads of state were feeling bearing down on their shoulders. It was the weight of the world.   Sessions over the past 24 hours covered a lot of weighty issues relevant to communicators and public affairs counselors.  Session topics ranged from the disaster in Haiti and corporate governance to the failure to enact effective energy legislation to the effect of transparency on corporate behavior.  Many solutions were greeted with frustration, while others were met with a surprising optimism. As speaker after speaker called for a longer-term perspective and a multi-stakeholder approach by companies rather than a profit-at-all-cost mentality, some grew increasingly skeptical. John Monks, General Secretary of the European Trade Union Confederation said, “I wish we were heading toward a multi-stakeholder world” but we’re not.  As evidence he quoted an investment banker friend who said, “Yeah, I have long term investments – they’re short-term investments that went bad and I can’t get rid of them.” French President Nicolas Sarkozy said that the search for answers to the financial crisis shouldn’t lead to an all-out backlash against capitalism.  “Anti-capitalism doesn’t work.”  He said what we need is a common morality and called for moral capitalism.  Cautioning the World Economic Forum members he said, “If we don’t use this opportunity to reform, than this recovery will only be a respite.” Expressing frustration about the inability for governments – particularly the US – to pass energy legislation, New York Times columnist and author Tom Friedman said that he hopes it doesn’t take a “perfect storm” to break the log-jam for such legislation.  He defined a perfect storm as “A storm big enough to end the climate debate and prompt action – but not big enough to end the world.”  He repeated his call for an Earth Race that would make green policies a matter of national competition and pride like the space race in the 1960s. “Give me a green America and I’ll give you a green world.”  Signalling that the race may already be underway he said, “We are rapidly going from pushing China to chasing China.” At another session someone asked, "Does social media make us more honest?" The head nodding in the room suggested that many thought that it certainly did, because everyone can see everything now.  Another speaker offered a more nuanced view.  He said social media may not make people more honest – because some people will still lie and cut corners – but it does make everyone more accountable.  Author Don Tapscott added, “It’s time for companies to undress for success.  Sunlight is the best disinfectant.” Ironically, the one topic that many viewed with optimism was the ability of Haiti to recover from the ruins of the earthquake. Bill Clinton, former US President and now U.N. special envoy to Haiti headlined a special session seeking assistance and solutions in the wake of the devastating quake.  He has already formed a powerful coalition of assistance built initially around the organizations that were already helping to rebuild Haiti after the four hurricanes in 2008. One member of the coalition, Denis O'Brien of the Irish company Digicel expressed optimism about Haiti because of his own personal experience witnessing the work ethic of Haitians.  He said he believed an investment in Haiti would pay off. Because while the world is rallying to their aid O’Brien reminds us that the economic potential of the country is not lost. "I can't strongly urge you enough to actually do something.  Don't do it just for altruistic reasons but for economic reasons," O'Brien said. 

 

In contrast to the snow-shrouded ski village outside, the temperature in the meeting rooms in Davos is hot today - and not just because every room was standing-room only.  The first full day at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland has a different tone than the other years I have attended since 2006.  Reflecting the state of the economy and the world this year, people are more willing to ask the provocative questions and demand answers.  As Don Tapscott, author of Wikinomics, said at a session on the rising influence of social media, "Davos this year is framed around the idea that the world is busted.  The old model in which nation states solve problems is being questioned and we're here to see if multi-stakeholder networks can solve problems."


At the same session, George Colony, CEO of Forrester, cited such a model and its ability to solve problems and innovate inside and outside companies.  It immediately seemed relevant to those of us in communications.  He said Forrester coined the term Social Sigma to describe the increasing phenomenon of companies using social media to listen to customers to improve products.   Just as Six Sigma seeks to continuously improve processes, he sees an unprecedented opportunity to use social media to constantly hear what's being said about products and update them to satisfy customers.  Tapscott agreed saying that he is seeing social production fully come in to its own as the next wave after social networking and cited Best Buy's Twelpforce, a Twitter-enabled advice feed, and Procter & Gamble's Innocentive technology for its open innovation marketplace as examples. (I should mention that both are clients of Ketchum.)


In the session on social media it was widely confirmed that open innovation has gained such wide adoption that someone asked what constitutes and drives competitive advantage now that open sourcing and sharing of ideas is displacing legally protected intellectual property?  A few of us offered that "relationship capital" may become a respected measure of value at a company.  As other intangibles, like brand valuation, have gained respect, so too might a company's relationships gain respect as a measure of how well that company taps the wisdom of the crowd inside and out.


There was a lot of emotion around the decline of mainstream journalism. Calvin Chin, CEO of Quifang, a social venture company that connects students with lenders in China, offered the interesting opinion that until now journalism has monetized the wrong thing, namely "constraint and tightly-controlled distribution," when it should be monetizing judgement and wisdom. As major media outlets increasingly reveal their plans to offer paid or metered online content, they will clearly be gauging the value of that wisdom and judgement.


Another subject that raised the temperature is censorship.  In the wake of Google's decision in China, Eric Hippeau the CEO of The Huffington Post and a former technology investor from Softbank Capital credited U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for calling for an open Internet last week.  He offered the view that regardless of what happens in the near-term, "You can't put the genie back in the bottle. Through hacks and work-arounds it's only a matter of time" before people get the information they want.

This afternoon I saw The Economist's report/editorial on COP-15 and the Copenhagen Accord at  http://viewswire.eiu.com/index.asp?layout=VWArticleVW3&article_id=1965089781&region_id=1510000351&refm=vwReg&page_title=Latest+regional+analysis&GBPNL=truealysis which is very poor but mirrors what was reported on the morning of Saturday 19 December, which mostly filed under acute pressure at the very end of Friday evening before the Accord was discussed by the plenary.

I don't disagree with all of the comments. In particular, the funding and verification of the Copenhagen Green Climate Fund is very woolly. But I took real issue with The Economist parrotting the line from campaigning NGOs and the 'six-pack' of nations that refused to adopt the Accord that Copenhagen was a failure amd that the Accord meant nothing.

Below is a note I sent this evening to The Economist Intelligence Unit:

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Dear Robin,

I’ve just read the ‘wrap’ on COP-15 and want to express my disappointment with the poor level of analysis demonstrated in the overall conclusion drawn about the Copenhagen Accord – particularly the claim that “this limited deal has minimal support”.

While the Accord was agreed between the US and the BSAIC group – Brazil, South Africa, India and China – it was developed by a group of 25-30 heads of government (including 14 developing countries) including the UK, the Russian Federation, Mexico, the Maldives, Algeria, Lesotho, the Republic of Korea, Spain, Ethiopia and other developed and developing countries.In the Closing Plenary formal adoption of the Accord was advocated by Algeria (for the African Group), Ethiopia (for the African Union), Sweden (for the EU), Lesotho (for the LDCs), Grenada (for AOSIS), Australia, the Russian Federation, the UK, the Maldives, Japan, the Philippines, Singapore, Papua New Guinea, Norway, Senegal, France, Saudi Arabia, Barbados, the Bahamas and Costa Rica - and backed by the UN and UNFCCC, as well as the Danish hosts. Only a handful of countries – Venezuela, Bolivia, Cuba, Sudan and Tuvalu – opposed the Accord.

Under the UN’s consensus decision-making model, that was enough to prevent adoption. However, according to the UN assistant secretary-general for policy planning, Robert Orr, “take note” has the same legal meaning in the UN as “accepts”.

The Economist should not contribute to the NGO-led myth that the Accord lacks wider support. A more rigorous examination of the Closing Plenary, and acknowledgement of the limitations of the consensus model, might have led to the conclusion that it was supported by intergovernmental groupings and nations representing the overwhelming majority of the 194 parties to the UNFCCC.  Kind regards,Bill Royce

Chair, EMEA Energy Environment & Climate Change practice, Burson-Marsteller

 

Mark Twain famously said that “Wagner’s music is better than it sounds”. In the same way the outcomes of COP-15, while messy and minimal, are better and more hopeful than the reporting to date would suggest – and certainly do not justify patently puerile claims of ‘suicide pact’ and ‘crime scene’ from some intelligent delegates and observers who should know better. This is not the end of the world, but it is the end of a flawed process that was doomed to fail.

 

Like many observers receiving leaked copies of the draft Copenhagen Accord on Friday, I was disappointed to see a steady retreat of ambition and diminishing level of certainty and detail.  Yet the significance of the agreement reached between the US and the BSAIC group of developing nations (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) should not be understated.

 

While a handful of countries were able to prevent the Accord being formally adopted (just ‘noted’), there appears to be sufficient support for this to indeed be the foundation for determined effort in 2010. Whether that results in a legally-binding agreement covering all 193 nations is a separate question. I suspect we’ll see a search for a more effective process.

 

Let me list some of the positive outcomes. First, the US, China and other major economies are in broad agreement with mutual responsibilities – the lack of obligation from China was the biggest weakness in the Kyoto Protocol and led to its 99-0 defeat in the US Senate. Secondly, commitment to holding global warming to 2°C, with a possible review of long-term goals if the science firms around 1.5°C.  Third, forestry and deforestation are included, again another big step – agriculture, aviation and marine will probably be added in during 2010. Fourth, through the Copenhagen Green Climate Fund there is serious money on the table for developing countries’ mitigation activities – USD 30 billion for 2010-2012 rising to USD 100 billion a year by 2020 – administered by the UNFCCC.  Finally, there was good progress in reforming the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), especially in granting eligibility for carbon capture & storage (CCS) projects.

 

There is also a process to ensure that momentum is not lost. Developed countries now have until 31 January to submit their emissions reductions targets for 2020 and list the base year. Developing countries are similarly invited by the same date to submit their national plans (nationally appropriate mitigation actions, or NAMAs), if they want to apply for money from the climate fund.  There will be great diplomatic pressure on developed countries to commit to the higher of their ranges – for example, the EU will be expected to lift its target from 20% to 30% below 1990 levels.

 

A high-level negotiating meeting, scheduled for the first two weeks of June, will attempt to finalise the text ahead of COP-16 in Mexico City next December.   It would be helpful for all concerned if this had a detailed G-20 agreement, possibly with G-77 support, to give the negotiators something real to work with – otherwise, don’t hold your breath for a breakthrough in Mexico, especially given the US mid-term congressional elections in early November.

 

Can I say that the weekend attempts to point the finger of blame in China’s direction is unwise, ill-judged and unfair.   Last-minute scrambling for a deal ignores China’s preference for predictability, order and ‘no surprises’. Moreover, China’s leaders are quick to take offence and slow to forgive – finger-pointing for political advantage puts future cooperation at risk. 

 

Anyway, the glacial UNFCCC process; the lack of urgency in finalising and agreeing draft texts since Bali in 2007; the over-hyping of the conference by the Danish hosts and NGOs; the puzzling silence of the Russians; the strange decision of the Danish hosts to attempt to have an inner-group drafting the documents – all, in my view,  were at least equally responsible for the outcome failing to meet expectations (indeed, for expectations to be set so high long after it become apparent mid-year that an agreement was unlikely).

 

Finally, I want to share the best short film I’ve seen on the scale of rainforest destruction. I found this on one of Marc Gunther’s posts from COP-15 on ClimateBiz – it’s Maya Lin’s film on ‘unchopping a tree’, from the ‘What is Missing Foundation’ on Vimeo:  http://vimeo.com/whatismissing

 

Apologies for the clichéd title but whether or not we’ll get a deal tomorrow – and what the implications will be of whatever is decided – seems to be the only issue left to discuss here.  The meetings on the sidelines of COP15 are mostly done and the UN has severely cut the number of observers allowed into the Bella Center, so there’s not much else to do but wait and hope (sorry, there’s that word again!).

 

For the first time all week there does seem to be some progress.  Hillary Clinton’s proposal that major economies come up with $100 billion a year over the next decade for developing nations managed to shift the conference back into gear.  Some procedural issues were addressed as well and real negotiations seem to be taking place.  Yvo de Boer, the head of the UNFCCC, who must desperately want a deal tomorrow, called these developments “very encouraging,” adding that, “we now have clarity on the process, we have clarity on the documents that will be the basis for work, we have clarity the process will be transparent.”

 

Unfortunately we have no clarity whatsoever as to whether anything will be signed when the conference comes to a close tomorrow night.  Will Obama save the day?  Will he come away empty-handed (as he did when he last came to Copenhagen, to stump for Chicago’s 2016 Olympic bid, which went to Rio)?  Will the US or China blink first?

 

Whatever happens tomorrow, it’s worth bearing in mind that Copenhagen is the 15th of these conferences (hence the name COP15).  By the time 2050 comes along, it won’t have mattered if real change took place at COP16, 17 or 18.  These are extraordinarily difficult issues and progress gets made in fits and starts, when it gets made at all.  Irrespective of the outcome, this has been an important – and, I believe, positive – two weeks.

It seemed like ‘pick your theme’ day in Copenhagen: should we go with frustration, anger or hope?  Any of the three could accurately describe the day’s mood (since I represent the Hopenhagen campaign you can guess where I’ll end up).

 

Let’s start with frustration, the most obvious theme for the day.  Once again negotiators failed to close the widening gap between rich and poor countries.  When they should be working out final details for heads of state to sign, they remain far apart on fundamental issues, such as levels of emissions cuts by developed nations and financial support to pay for fighting climate change in developing countries.  The lack of any progress on these issues has caused many here to seriously worry that nothing will be achieved at the conference.

 

And that, of course, brings us to anger.  Hundreds of demonstrators took to the streets, most notably outside the Bella Center, where police met them with truncheons and pepper spray.  The anger and violence seemed both gratuitous and genuine.

 

With consistently negative news from the negotiations and images of violent protests around the city, though, people here remain tremendously hopeful.  And their hope doesn’t lie in Obama pulling a rabbit out of his hat on Friday. Rather, it comes – to a large degree – from small-scale stories of success.  

 

I attended a few sessions today at the Climate Summit for Mayors and was impressed by the range of partnerships among local governments (see my previous post on the rise of subnationals), the business sector and the social sector that are able to drive real change.  While there were great success stories from the mayors of Copenhagen, Los Angeles and Oslo, perhaps the most hopeful came from Mayor Adam Kimbisa of Dar Es Salaam.  His city is working with a variety of organizations to fund a switch away from burning charcoal for fuel.  These efforts have already begun to help reduce deforestation, reduce carbon emissions and reduce poverty. There’s a long way to go to meet these fundamental goals, of course, but he’s not waiting for negotiators to cut a deal in the Bella Center.  He’s pushing forward, making some progress and spreading the word.  And, at the end of another long day here, that gives me hope.
If you’re looking for a new buzzword to enter the lexicon in 2010, you might want to consider “subnational” (basically an administrative region below the country level – cities, provinces, states, etc.).  While reports from the Bella Center today were grim, with national delegations seemingly moving further apart on issues large and small, hope appeared on the sidelines from mayors and governors around the world. Subnational leaders from the US, Canada, France, Algeria and Nigeria announced an agreement to form a regional coalition to fast track the results of COP15 and to work together to push for stronger commitments on climate change.  The coalition was led by Arnold Schwarzenegger, who proclaimed today that, “We can’t wait for national governments.  We can act and must show leadership…. While national governments have been fighting over emission targets, subnational governments like California have been adopting their own targets, laws and policies." Local government representatives from every continent joined various events today to claim their mantle and forge real change.  And it wasn’t just the Governator’s star power that propelled them; as one leader exclaimed: “Why subnationals?  We’re in a hurry and we haven’t got all day!” There may be something to all this.  There’s got to be a way to bridge the gap between grassroots movements and national governments, after all.  If mayors and governors are willing to form partnerships and pass substantive legislation, subnationals may make a real difference. 

 

Sorry this has been delayed by technical problems - this was my wrap-up from Friday.

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At some point in large UN conferences like this, it becomes a business of expectation management to recalibrate the benchmark for success. On Friday there was every sign that this was a conference at risk.

 

When two major plenary-style briefings for civil society are cancelled without explanation – by the heads of the UNFCCC and the Subsidiary Board for Implementation (SBI) respectively – you know there is something significant happening behind the scenes.

 

By the time the latest draft of the ‘negotiating text’ – which will be the basis for the discussions between Environment Ministers and, then later in the week, the participating Heads of Government including Gordon Brown and Barack Obama – it became clear that the aim is for a minimalist outcome. Indeed, I get a sense that Yvo de Boer would be happy if he can get a three-line haiku agreed.

 

Mid-year the negotiating text ran to almost 60-pages, which large sections “bracketed” – indicating that there are alternative wordings proposed and yet to be agreed. By Friday the negotiating text had been condensed to less than 10 pages, which indicates agreement on some of the sections but reflects a scaling back of ambition – and all of the critical issues remain “bracketed”.

 

It looks to me like this week will try to get hard agreement on four key questions (and any others would be seen as a bonus): the target for developed countries to reduce their emissions by 2020 and 2050; matching targets for developing countries to limit their emissions growth; financing the flow of support to the developing world (the World Bank estimates that $100 billion a year is needed); and the governance structures for managing those funds.

 

The other subtext from Friday is that there appears to be a growing scientific and political convergence on the 350 parts per million target for stabilising greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. This is some 40 ppm below where we are today, and could only be achieved with substantial and early changes. As noted last week, this has been adopted by the Association of Small Island States and is backed by some very senior climate scientists.

 

While the UK’s Met Office is careful not to endorse any particular targets, in their scientific briefing on Friday afternoon (which was standing-room only) presented some grim data on the impact of a sustained increase of 2 degrees in average temperature. While some parts of the world could enjoy initial benefits, the impacts on the Amazon (dieback), the Arctic (almost total disappearance of summer ice) and rainfall/food production are dire – together with the conclusion that there are thresholds beyond which rainforest and Arctic ice cannot recover.

 

When I left the Bella Centre for the final time, workers were busy laying grit on roads and nailing carpet over the wooden walkways in preparation for icy conditions and possibly snow this coming week.  I suspect that inside the Centre, the negotiations – like our climate itself – are about to get hotter.

 

 

 

I arrived today in Copenhagen – taking over for my erstwhile colleague Anna Irwin, who blogged all last week – not quite sure what to expect.  COP15’s first week seemed to be about real hope, slow-but-sure progress and table setting.  This weekend saw major protests – 100,000 people filled the streets in mostly peaceful demonstrations (about 900 were arrested) – though media reported that marchers protested for a free Tibet and other unrelated issues, in addition to climate change. But all of that was merely prelude to this week, when more than 100 world leaders (including a certain Nobel Peace Prize winner) would come together to forge real progress.  Events outside the Bella Center – the conference center where COP15 is taking place – were inauspicious.  Hundreds of accredited observers were left to stand for hours in the bitingly cold Copenhagen afternoon only to be told that no more accreditations would be given.  Chants by otherwise staid academics, journalists, and NGO and corporate types of “Let! Us! In!  Let! Us! In!” and “What do we want? Access!  When do we want it? Now!!” did not bode well.And, indeed, the news from inside the Bella Center seemed dire.  Earlier in the morning representatives of developing countries temporarily walked out of the negotiations, angry that developed countries weren’t willing to do enough on emission cuts and financial support for poor nations.  Media reports sounded the alarms: “climate talks have reached a boiling point,” cried one; “Copenhagen talks in disarray,” complained another.

Still, the meetings did get back on track.  And with world leaders arriving this week the world’s attention will once again be focused on climate change.  More than the symbolism is the fact that so many countries have given explicit pledges on emissions goals.  These are not insignificant.  The next four days will tell us if they’re more important than frozen toes and hot tempers.

I was planning a second colour piece but events here and abroad got in the way. Of all the issues that could foil an agreement here, maybe none is the bigger than the relationship between the rich world and the G-77 group of developing nations. As an Australian who has now lived and worked in London for six years, it gets progressively harder to remember that my emotional and geographic backyard is the South Pacific. There you have flat island nations like Tuvalu that are already losing the battle against rising sea levels due to melting glaciers and ice sheets – from Antarctica if not from Chile and elsewhere.  And it’s not just the islands: if projections are correct, within a century you will need a wetsuit and snorkel to open the batting at the Boxing Day Test at the MCG in Melbourne. So it’s not really a surprise that the G-77 has had a meltdown of its own this week, because the climate debate has moved from soft promises to hard numbers, and this has exposed some of the inherent tensions in this long-standing political bloc.  When the G-77 grouping was formed in 1964, it made sense to lump all of the poorest nations together into a collective “developing” nation basket.Today, when some G-77 countries are also G-20 major economic powers – among them Brazil, South Africa, India, and China, the so-called BASIC group  – it’s very hard to reconcile common economic or geopolitical interests. And nobody really knows where Russia sits. Given their risks, it is entirely understandable that the Association of Small Island States (AOSIS) is backing the emissions stabilisation target of 350 parts per million (ppm) and a temperature limit of 1.5 degrees centigrade from pre-Industrial levels – backed by NASA’s James Hansen and his worldwide grassroots movement www.350.org. It was also entirely predictable that China would refuse, as this would severely curtail its economic and social growth.  This split is probably the end of the G-77 group as we know it.  Which is all rather unfortunate at the same time that the rich world is trying to find the right incentive for the G-77 to sign a deal in Copenhagen. One of yesterday’s most significant developments was actually in Brussels, where the EU leaders – meeting as the European Council – were trying to agree on an extra package of €6 billion for 2010-2012 as a “fast start” incentive for the G-77. It’s reported that Gordon Brown has committed an additional € 1 billion towards this effort. This is on top of previous EU offerings which are already generous and substantial. This EU initiative has had little media coverage against a celebrity story. Instead George Soros – depending on who you talk to, a climate angel or a man who just sees his next billion in trading carbon rights – used his two minutes on stage to announce a plan to invest $150 billion in low-carbon technologies and infrastructure in G-77 countries.    What was interesting in the fine detail was that it was not one cent of his own money. Rich world countries would draw on their IMF Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) – an emergency fund – and hand this over to the G-77 for climate change initiatives. Soros won the business story of the day by a significant margin, and attracted some interesting support from pragmatic mainstream NGOs like Oxfam – which said he was showing the type of leadership that has been absent from governments. BTW, Friends of the Earth opposed the Soros initiative. Without going too far into the details, part of the Soros plan would allow recipient countries to earn extra revenue from trading carbon credits. Friends of the Earth flatly opposes carbon credits trading. Another flat “niet” from an NGO that flays companies and governments for not doing more. Thin ice. Last reflection tomorrow morning – and I’m planning a wrap up when it’s all done and dusted.

 

Richard Black from the BBC posted a story that really rang true today talking about the challenges reporters face trying to “cover” COP15.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/thereporters/richardblack/2009/12/cop15_copenhagen_climate_summi_2.html

I identified with his take on the situation. While I’m by no means charged with covering the entire COP15 for a major international media company, I can certainly relate to his points about wondering what to attend and when, and the constant race to find out what exactly is going on at any given moment.

Every day, participants receive the Daily Programme part one and part two. In these documents are 51 pages listing meetings (open, closed and open to some but not others), presentations, press conferences, speeches, demonstrations, and panel discussions. It isn’t like you’re choosing between two or three events at any given moment, it is more like ten – and that is just the ones in the program. 

Beyond the official program, there are the spur of the moment demonstrations like the international girl guides and scouts singing in the main hall or the person dressed up like a polar bear meandering by the EU Pavilion holding a press conference with his handler. And in the middle of all of this, there is news from the outside world.  As I was leaving a presentation by U.S. Interior Secretaty Ken Salazar in the U.S. climate center, the impromptu polar bear press conference (see day two’s post about how stunts really do work – the polar bear got coverage http://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/12/10/polar-bear-warns-obama-about-climate-failure/) was eclipsed by a swarm of over a hundred people crowding around several large TV screens streaming President Obama’s Nobel prize acceptance speech from Oslo. Cameras rolled and people strained to watch the BBC coverage. The polar bear watched too.

Reporters here face enormous challenges juggling multiple events, real news, reporting deadlines and the general chaos that is the Bella Center. Sure, they have their massive media center walled off to anyone but the media, but when there are 5,000 accredited journalists, this exclusive center becomes a madhouse itself.

News highlights today include George Sorros’ proposal to create a new “green” pool of money funded by investing already existing financing mechanisms called special drawing rights or SDRs. http://dotearth.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/12/10/soros-identifies-a-money-supply-for-climate-aid/

The divide between the developed and developing countries continued, with tiny Tuvalu – in fear of being literally washed away by rising tides – calling for increased action and a goal of limiting average global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees, instead of two. Most see this as a very heavy lift, however tiny Tuvalu has become the rallying cry for many activists on the ground.

Meanwhile, developing countries are not too thrilled about developed countries trying to skirt emissions requirements if they are heavily forested and can claim that these forests offset their emissions. http://www.nytimes.com/cwire/2009/12/10/10climatewire-forested-nations-seek-favorable-accounting-r-75605.html

The main issues – funding, emission levels and the divide between rich and poor are clearly on the table now. Should get MUCH more exciting next week when the VIPs arrive…

 

 "To agree or not to agree, that is the question". Being in Copenhagen for the UN Climate Change Conference, it was hard not to start with a line from The Dane. But this really is the question on everyone's lips here - can 192 nations (observed by some 15,000 representatives from industry, media and NGOs) find agreement on at least a framework and some financial parameters to take forward to COP-16 in Mexico City next year? Right now the smart money is on a political deal, but next week's Conference of the Parties (COP) - a typically clumsy UN title for governments - is like one-day cricket: anything can happen!

I'm here for three days as a member of the International. Chamber of Commerce (ICC) delegation, also helping some clients with meetings, media and high-level engagement. So what are first impressions?

This has the feel of a Party Conference. There's the formal speeches in the plenary hall, which range from empassioned to extremely dull, and are the visible tip of a huge negotiating iceberg that is meeting in some form almost 24-7. The iceberg metaphor is accurate in more than one way as progress tends to be glacial, and months can be spent debating the use of "shall" versus "will".

Around this formal conference is a heavy schedule of fringe meetings, press conferences, lobbying encounters and a festival of exhibitions and cultural events - indeed, even product launches. Coming through registration this morning (an hour, which was good - on Monday the queue was some 200 metres outside of the centre and took up to four hours!) on either side I was talking to a journalist with Friends of the Earth Belgium, a filmaker who has a screening tonight about Ethiopian farmers, a camera crew assigned to cover Global Observancy, and a member of China's promotional team - probably 10% of the exhibit stands are for governments 'selling' their own achievements and ambitions.

As always, NGOs seem to be winning the communications battle but losing the policy war. They have the best advertising, posters, booklets and people (in contrast the two main business stands are usually unmanned!) but have little to contribute to the real negotiations beyond sloganeering and mantras. The hard issues now are not about direction - climate deniers are thin on the ground here - but around policy and financial mechanisms to incentivise and accelerate the transition to a low-carbon future. Most NGOs find this real-world discussion rather uncomfortable as it inevitably involves funding going to industry for necessary action in areas like carbon capture and storage, where there is presently no business case. I don't think this is healthy and hope we see better engagement by pragmatic NGos on the core negotiating issues - and that they reflect these realities back to their membership and the media.

The two other observations are that there are growing rumbles arouind liability and litigation, and recognition that water is central to the whole discussion and the global ecosystem. The other buzz topics are the boost that "emailgate" has given to the climate change sceptics; the US EPA's decision to declare greenhouse gases as a threat to human health; and the possibility that Australia might be the first country to have an election fought mainly on climate change and emissions trading.

More from COP-15 tomorrow.(Bill Royce)

Today’s activities in the Bella Center looked strikingly similar to yesterday, however slightly more crowded. The center had a bit of a Santa’s workshop feel with everyone on the ground doing advance work and preparing for VIP arrivals next week.

The rift between poor and rich countries continues to widen, exacerbated by a leaked Danish plan affording developed countries more emissions and dividing developing countries into poor and really poor groups. And a Bangladeshi request for 15 percent of the funds from any agreement due to their chart-topping status on Germanwatch’s Climate Risk Index isn’t helping the situation.

http://www.germanwatch.org/english.

http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/poor-nations-threaten-walkout-on-copenhagen-deal/story-e6frg6n6-1225808834422

http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2009/dec/08/copenhagen-climate-summit-disarray-danish-text

While yesterday’s EPA report that carbon dioxide poses a threat to human health gave COP15 attendees hope that the U.S. just might be able to make a meaningful commitment in Copenhagen, today’s news swung in directly the opposite direction with Republican leaders threatening to come to Copenhagen to rain on the climate change parade. http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20091209/sc_afp/unclimatewarminguspolitics

 

And for those of you climate planners out there, buy your Lonely Planet South Africa now – they will be hosting COP17 following COP16 in Mexico City.  Not far enough out?  Unfortunately all we know about COP18 is that it will be somewhere in Asia… http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5g9tUdm4jkLGHEDB-fHSD9EJU7Epw

 

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